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Don’t Fall for the Externality Dodge: Corporate Greed is Responsible for Climate Change Not You!​​

The Electric Car: A case study in what happens when the market kills a working solution

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"The desire for profits by manufacturers eventually drowned out technological innovation and consumer demand."

– Dr. Christian Komor for Colorado Governor 2026, info@k4gov.com

Before we can talk about what Direct Air Carbon Removal can and must accomplish in the next 10 years we need to talk about what happened the last time America stood at the beginning of a clean-energy transition and let it slip away.

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From the 1880s to the initiation of mass production of gas-powered vehicles by Henry Ford in the 1910s, most motor vehicles on American and European roads were powered by electricity. Battery technology was improving so rapidly that entire fleets of electric taxis operated on the streets of London and New York. Electric vehicles had a number of advantages over their early-1900s competitors. They did not have the vibration, smell, or noise of gasoline cars. They did not require gear changes. They did not require the manual effort of the hand crank — a crank that, when the engine backfired, could break the arm of the person cranking it.

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The scale of that first electric era is startling by modern reckoning.

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In 1897, Walter Bersey's Bersey Electric Cab Company put a fleet of up to seventy-five battery-electric cabs onto the streets of London. Londoners nicknamed them Hummingbirds for the distinctive noise they made. The same year, the Electric Vehicle Company began operating twelve Electrobat taxis in Manhattan. By August of that year, that twelve-vehicle fleet had already carried nearly five thousand passengers and covered more than fourteen thousand miles. The New York fleet grew to more than one hundred vehicles by 1899 and peaked at six hundred and sixteen cabs and buses at its height.

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The 1900 United States Census of Manufactures counted 4,192 motor vehicles produced in America. Roughly forty percent were steam-powered, thirty-eight percent gasoline, and twenty-two percent electric. But production totals understate consumer demand: in the retail market of 1899 and 1900, electric vehicles were the top-selling category in major cities. The technological historian Gijs Mom documented that in 1899, electric vehicles outnumbered gasoline vehicles two-to-one in the major American metros — New York, Boston, and Chicago.

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By 1912, many American homes were wired for electricity, giving urban owners a genuine charging solution. That same year, U.S. electric-car registrations reached approximately thirty to thirty-eight thousand vehicles at the peak of the first golden age. More than three hundred electric-vehicle manufacturers were listed in 1912 alone.

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An exchangeable-battery service — an early version of what modern engineers now call battery swapping — was put into commercial practice by the Hartford Electric Light Company through its GeVeCo subsidiary between 1910 and 1924. General Vehicle Company, a subsidiary of General Electric, sold electric trucks without batteries. Owners then paid a per-mile charge and a monthly service fee, exchanging depleted battery packs for fresh ones at Hartford Electric stations. During its fourteen-year run, the GeVeCo service covered more than six million miles. Thomas Edison's own nickel-iron battery, patented in 1901 and commercially marketed for electric vehicle use beginning in 1908, offered nearly double the energy density of contemporary lead-acid batteries and could charge in half the time.

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None of this is speculation. All of it happened. It was written up in the trade press of the day, filed with the U.S. Census Bureau, sold through commercial catalogs, and driven on public streets by tens of thousands of ordinary Americans.

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And then it was gone.

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The Interruption

 

Sales of electric cars peaked in the early 1910s. Then the market collapsed inside a single decade.

 

Four forces converged.

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The first was petroleum. The Spindletop gusher in Texas in 1901, the East Texas field, and the Middle Eastern discoveries beginning in Iran in 1908 flooded the American economy with cheap, energy-dense liquid fuel at exactly the moment gasoline vehicles most needed a cost advantage. The second was road-building. Improved highway systems meant longer trips became possible, and battery range at thirty to fifty kilometers per charge became a real constraint. The third was Charles Kettering's 1912 invention of the electric self-starter, which removed the hand-crank hazard that had been one of the internal combustion engine's biggest drawbacks. The fourth was Ford. Henry Ford's 1908 introduction of the Model T and his 1913 moving assembly line brought the price of a gasoline car down to two hundred and sixty dollars by 1925 — roughly a third the price of a comparable electric vehicle.

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By 1908, gasoline taxis had been introduced in New York. By 1910, the electric cabs were out of service. By 1914, electric vehicles had already lost nearly all of their U.S. market share. The last electric cars limped along into the 1920s and then vanished. The Hartford GeVeCo battery-swap service was discontinued in 1924. The three hundred electric-vehicle manufacturers of 1912 became zero.

 

By the time the Great Depression arrived, the electric vehicle had been effectively erased from American life.  

The next serious American electric-vehicle production run would not happen until 1996, with GM's EV1 — a program General Motors then killed in 2003 and physically crushed most of the vehicles from. 

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What This Cost 

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The internal combustion engine has led the way in driving greenhouse gas accumulation in the atmosphere and the extinction of increasing numbers of land, air, and aquatic species. Transportation is now the single largest source of U.S. greenhouse gas emissions, accounting for roughly twenty-eight percent of the national total. Cumulative global CO2 emissions from petroleum combustion since 1900 now approach four hundred fifty gigatons. Every one of those gigatons was avoidable if the market that existed in 1900 had continued its trajectory instead of being terminated. 

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This is the human cost. It is also, and this is the point of the chapter, an engineering cost with a specific and calculable size. 

 

Where Would the Electric Car Be Today? 

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The answer requires two documented technology-improvement problems. 

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The first is slow development of battery specific energy — the fundamental physics that determines how far a vehicle can go on a given weight of battery. Battery specific energy has improved at roughly three to four percent per year over the past century of real-world electrochemistry when it has been improved at all. That is far slower than Moore's Law for semiconductors, which corresponds to transistor density doubling roughly every two years — an annual rate of about thirty-five to forty percent. But it is real, sustained, and empirically observable.

 

The second is Wright's Law, first documented by Theodore Wright in 1936 in a paper on aircraft manufacturing costs. Wright's Law says that unit costs decline by a fixed percentage with every doubling of cumulative production. For lithium-ion batteries, that learning rate has been approximately nineteen to twenty-five percent per doubling. Battery pack prices fell about ninety percent between 2010 and 2024 — from approximately eleven hundred eighty dollars per kilowatt-hour in 2010 to one hundred fifteen dollars per kilowatt-hour in 2024 (BloombergNEF annual battery price survey). 

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Here is the reasonable extrapolation. 

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In 1912, Edison's nickel-iron battery delivered approximately twenty to twenty-five watt-hours per kilogram. In 2026, the best commercial lithium-ion cells deliver approximately three hundred watt-hours per kilogram, and pre-commercial solid-state prototypes are reaching four hundred. That is a fifteen-to-twentyfold real-world improvement over one hundred and fourteen years — roughly what you would expect from a two-and-a-half percent annual compounding rate, in a technology sector that was underfunded, deprioritized, and treated as marginal for approximately eighty of those one hundred and fourteen years. 

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If the 1912 trajectory had continued at the modest three-point-four percent annual battery specific-energy improvement rate that Ziegler & Trancik (2021, Energy & Environmental Science) documented for electrochemistry when investment is sustained, batteries in 2026 would deliver approximately eight hundred to one thousand watt-hours per kilogram — three to four times what today's best commercial cells achieve. That energy density would translate into vehicle ranges of fifteen hundred to two thousand miles per charge, curb weights half or less of today's electric cars, and cost profiles that would have made gasoline vehicles economically uncompetitive by roughly the 1960s. 

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If the Wright's Law learning rate observed for lithium-ion batteries — roughly twenty percent per production doubling — had been applied to a battery industry that never stopped scaling, instead of collapsing in the 1920s and having to be reinvented in the 1990s, cumulative battery production doublings between 1912 and 2026 could conservatively have delivered a price point of approximately ten to twenty dollars per kilowatt-hour in 2026 dollars. Today's best price is one hundred fifteen dollars per kilowatt-hour. A ten-dollar-per-kilowatt-hour battery pack means an eighty-kilowatt-hour electric vehicle carries roughly eight hundred dollars in battery cost, not nine thousand two hundred. Electric vehicles would be substantially cheaper than gasoline vehicles, not slightly more expensive – Without heating the planet toward extinction. 

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The infrastructure question would have been solved a century ago. The 1910-1924 Hartford GeVeCo battery-swap service already demonstrated the commercial viability of battery exchange stations. Extrapolate that model with a century of continuous refinement, and by 2026 there would be no meaningful difference between "refueling" an electric vehicle and refueling a gasoline vehicle. Standardized swap-ready battery formats would be as universal as the modern gas-pump nozzle – like swap-out propane cylinders you see in racks at gas stations. Home charging, fast charging, and station-swap would coexist as three parallel and mature refueling modalities. 

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And the climate cost would be dramatically lower. Rough estimates place transportation's contribution to atmospheric CO2 accumulation since 1900 at one hundred to one hundred fifty gigatons of CO2-equivalent — enough to make the difference between the climate we now inhabit and one substantially more habitable. 

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That is the cost of the century we lost. Not a rhetorical loss. A quantifiable, measurable, calculable one.

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Why The Electric Car Actually Failed — And Why It Matters For What Comes Next

 

The electric vehicle was not a technology that failed. It was a technology that was suppressed by the pricing power of a competing industry that discovered enormous petroleum reserves at exactly the moment gasoline vehicles overcame their two biggest handicaps: starting difficulty and cost. The three hundred electric-vehicle manufacturers of 1912 did not disappear because their product was worse. They disappeared because their competitor could sell fuel below its full social cost while the electric-vehicle industry was still trying to standardize its charging infrastructure. 

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Read that sentence again. It contains the pattern this book is written to warn against. 

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Every time a clean-energy technology emerges into a market dominated by fossil fuels, the same three forces line up against it.  

Fossil fuels can be sold below their full social cost because the atmosphere is a free waste sink and no one pays for the damage – until later.  

Fossil fuel infrastructure is already built, so switching costs favor incumbents. And the political economy of fossil fuels — refineries, pipelines, distribution networks, employment concentrations, campaign donors — organizes itself to defend the status quo at every point where policy could tilt the field. 

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The electric vehicle lost this fight in the 1910s. Solar power nearly lost it again in the 1970s and 1980s, when federal renewable-energy R&D funding was cut by roughly eighty-five percent in real terms between 1980 and 1989 — with solar-specific budgets falling by approximately ninety percent — and the U.S. solar industry, which invented the modern photovoltaic cell, ceded market leadership first to Japan and eventually to China. Direct atmospheric carbon removal is being asked to fight the same fight right now, in the 2020s. The 1980s wind industry, the 1990s fuel-cell industry, the 2000s enhanced geothermal industry — all of them faced the same market physics. 

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The consistent pattern: when a clean-energy technology approaches commercial viability, the fossil fuel industry does not compete on merit. It uses its political access, its price-dumping capacity, and its infrastructure lock-in to make sure the clean-energy technology never reaches the scale at which its learning curve would compete honestly. 

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The world is now retracing the innovation trajectory it abandoned in 1912. Global electric-car sales exceeded twenty million units in 2025 — one out of every four new cars sold worldwide. In 2026 that figure is projected to reach twenty-three million and twenty-eight percent of the global new-car market. In Norway, electric vehicles accounted for ninety-seven point six percent of new passenger-car registrations in the first half of 2026. China alone accounted for sixty-three percent of global EV sales in 2025, roughly thirteen million units. The global EV fleet now displaces approximately one point two million barrels of oil demand per day.

 

The United States, however, sits at only nine point five five percent EV share (BEV + PHEV + FCEV combined) of new light-duty vehicle sales in the first half of 2025, according to the Alliance for Automotive Innovation — a share that declined by 0.11 percentage points from the same period in 2024. The country that invented the electric taxi in 1897 has now fallen behind Europe, China, and every serious industrial competitor.

The Lesson Direct Air Carbon Removal Exists To Answer 

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If the SkyCarbon Blueprint put forward by the Christian Komor for Colorado Governor movement is going to succeed where the electric vehicle failed for a century, it has to be designed against the specific failure mode that killed the electric car. That failure mode has four components: 

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Fossil Fuel Externality Recovery

 

Fossil fuel driven vehicles could dominate the industry basically because they cheated. They hid their most significant operating costs in the customers' own back yard. Combustion engine cars and the fossil fuels that drove them were sold below full social cost. Ecosystems do not play “hide the externality”, someone has to pay. So far it has been the taxpayer bearing the brunt of climate damage. In Colorado we will shift the weight of this reckoning back to the companies that got rich externalizing their waste-removal costs. 

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The state enterprise structure is what makes this possible, because a private-market DACR company would be crushed by the same pricing dynamics that crushed the early EV industry. In addition, our platform will demand that fossil fuel emitters who have operated in Colorado repay the public for decades of air, water, and land damage that state and federal law permitted but never priced. 

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The backdate. It is not fair, however, to charge polluters for pollution before it was known to be pollution. The record establishes when the industry knew. In 1968, the American Petroleum Institute — the trade association representing the industry as a whole — commissioned a report from the Stanford Research Institute which in turn warned that rising atmospheric COâ‚‚ "may be the cause of serious world-wide environmental changes." That is the earliest date at which the industry, collectively, was on formal notice. Colorado's claim runs from 1968 forward. 

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The transportation-sector figure. From 1968 through 2023, Colorado's transportation sector emitted roughly 1.27 billion metric tons of COâ‚‚ (EIA state energy data, linearly interpolated across 5-year reporting intervals). Applying the U.S. EPA's 2023 central social cost of carbon — $190 per metric ton (2020 dollars, 2% near-term discount rate) — yields a cumulative externality of approximately $242 billion for transportation alone. At the EPA's alternate discount rates, the range is $153B (2.5%) to $433B (1.5%). Similar calculations for Colorado's electricity, industrial, and residential/commercial sectors will follow, but the transportation figure alone exceeds two years of Colorado state general fund revenue. 

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We understand this ends up in court. Global climate litigation has grown from solitary cases like Christian Komor v. United States (Case No. 4:19-cv-00293 (D. Ariz.) Filed May 29, 2019 Stayed August 27, 2019 pending resolution of Juliana v. United States) and Juliana v. United States (Case No. 6:15-cv-01517-AA (D. Or.) Filed August 12, 2015 Dismissed by Ninth Circuit May 1, 2024) to more than 3,600 cases filed since 1986. Of decided cases across all types, roughly 54% have produced outcomes favorable to climate action. The success rate is not uniform: climate-washing cases against corporate defendants win about 70%, corporate framework cases split roughly 50/50, and — critically — no fossil-fuel major has yet paid damages in a compensation case, though 43 such cases are pending as of 2025. What has changed is legal footing. In April 2025, Nature published Callahan & Mankin's peer-reviewed attribution linking specific carbon majors to quantifiable damages; in July 2025, the International Court of Justice held that states have binding obligations under international law to regulate emissions and support vulnerable parties. The scientific case for climate liability, in the authors' words, is closed. The remaining questions are jurisdictional, not evidentiary. 

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Ancillary costs already falling on defendants. Even before a verdict, the act of being sued imposes measurable costs on fossil fuel companies. A 2023 study in Journal of Financial Economics found that new climate case filings and adverse decisions reduce defendant firm value by an average of 0.41% per event — a figure that, applied to a major integrated oil company, translates to hundreds of millions in market capitalization per filing. Independent of stock reaction, defendants face: 

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  • Directors & officers (D&O) liability insurance premium increases — insurers now price climate litigation exposure directly into renewal quotes. 

  • Credit rating downgrades — Moody's, S&P, and Fitch have all integrated climate-transition and litigation risk into corporate ratings methodology since 2021, raising cost of capital. 

  • Stranded asset write-downs — reserve revaluations already visible on the balance sheets of BP, Shell, and Equinor. 

  • SEC climate disclosure liability — the 2024 SEC climate rule (currently in litigation itself) creates a securities-fraud pathway for material misstatements about climate risk. 

  • Talent and customer flight — measurable declines in graduate recruitment yield and institutional customer retention at named defendants.

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Colorado's suit does not need to prevail on the merits to impose material cost on the counterparty. It needs only to be credible, well-documented, and filed. The state's role is not to gamble; it is to demand, in a public forum, that the true price of what was sold be finally reckoned. 

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Infrastructure lock-in. Solution: SkyCarbon builds its own infrastructure at the Eastern Plains node. Hyperscale data centers, direct air capture, enhanced geothermal, and CO2 utilization all share a single site with a single set of pipelines, cables, and pads. The infrastructure is purpose-built rather than adapted from fossil-fuel-era infrastructure. This is why the tri-node architecture exists — to sidestep the retrofitting penalty. 

Political economy of the incumbent industry. Solution: SkyCarbon proposes a jobs base, a tax base, and a rural land-lease income stream that competes with, rather than complements, fossil-fuel political economy. The Eastern Plains water-break, ranch royalty payments, and rural union job estimates are not just economic benefits — they are the political economy structure that gives SkyCarbon a defense mechanism against the same forces that killed the electric taxi. 

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Learning-curve interruption. Solution: The Development Authority financing structure exists specifically to guarantee sustained deployment through Wright's Law doublings. Private capital is welcome; private capital alone cannot deliver the sustained scale required to walk the cost curve down. The 1912 electric-vehicle industry did not lose the learning-curve race because its technology was worse. It lost because its market was terminated before its production volumes could double enough times. A state-enterprise financing structure with long-term offtakes is how you refuse to lose that race a second time. 

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The electric-vehicle story is not a nostalgic aside. It is the case study. It is the pattern our campaign’s SkyCarbon Enterprise is designed to defeat. Colorado, the American West, and every state that suffers from wildfire smoke, ozone alerts, and climate-driven weather extremes now pays the annual carrying cost of a market failure that occurred in the 1910s. The good news: the trajectory has resumed. The bad news: we lost a century. 

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We do not have another one to lose. 

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Chapter sources

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Early electric vehicle history 

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  • National Geographic — "The forgotten history of New York's first electric taxi fleet" 

  • Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond — "Car Wars" 

  • Gijs Mom via InTech — "Electric Vehicle Waves of History" 

  • Wikipedia — "History of the Electric Vehicle" 

  • Wikipedia — "Battery Swapping" (Hartford GeVeCo) 

  • InsideEVs — "Electric Vehicles' First Golden Age" 

  • Pacific Standard — "The First Golden Age of Electric Car Advertising" 

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Battery technology improvement rates 

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  • MIT DSpace — Cross-domain comparison of quantitative technology improvement rates 

  • Nature Physics — "Generalizing Moore" (Magee et al.) 

  • Stanford Law — Clean Energy Cost and Price Dynamics 

  • BloombergNEF Battery Price Survey (via note.com analysis) 

  • Turnock — Wright's Law and the EV Threshold 

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Current EV market and emissions data 

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  • IEA Global EV Outlook 2026 

  • BloombergNEF Electric Vehicle Outlook 2026 

  • electrive.com — Norway EV share June 2026 

  • Alliance for Automotive Innovation Q2 2025 EV Report 

  • U.S. Environmental Protection Agency — Inventory of U.S. Greenhouse Gas Emissions and Sinks 2024 

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